Speaker
Description
Refugee camps are established to provide humanitarian assistance to displaced populations (UNHCRa, 2022) and originally are intended as temporary spaces until durable solutions—repatriation, local integration, or resettlement—are achieved (UNHCRb, 2022). However, over time, many transform into protracted settlements, undergoing significant changes (Turner, 2015). The complex realities of prolonged displacement and settlement are often overlooked, as governance frameworks and planning approaches remain rooted in their original temporary designation (Agier, 2002; Jansen, 2018). Increasingly, scholars argue that such protracted camps develop urban-like characteristics, emphasizing the need to reframe refugee camps as dynamic urban spaces that require innovative and adaptive governance strategies (Dalal, 2015; Dalal, 2022; Oyler, 2024).
Within this context, this research investigates the potential for refugee camps to evolve into urban spaces and examines governance strategies, using the Shagarab camps in Eastern Sudan as a case study. Established in 1984, the camps hosted over 60,000 refugees—primarily from Eritrea—by 2022, with numbers increasing to nearly 75,000 by 2024 (UNHCR, 2022; 2024). Despite their long history, academic research on the development and governance of these camps remains limited. This study addresses this gap by analyzing their transformation and governance dynamics.
To address the research aim, I first developed a conceptual framework based on existing studies on camp urbanization, incorporating the concepts of the "Virtual City," "Camp City," and "Accidental City" (Montclos & Kagwanja, 2000; Agier, 2002; Jansen, 2018). This framework examines the social, spatial, and economic transformations within the camp. Second, I analyzed the stakeholders and influencers involved in camp governance to evaluate whether existing governance frameworks effectively manage the camps.
Employing a qualitative case study approach, I conducted semi-structured interviews with 21 government officials, NGO workers, and refugee workers, along with structured interviews with 20 households. These interviews were further supplemented by participant observation, offering deeper insights into daily life, governance practices, and camp dynamics. Data collection occurred during two visits in June 2022.
The findings reveal that the Shagarab camps exhibit clear signs of urbanization. Refugees have formed enduring communities that surpass the population size of nearby towns and meet national urban agglomeration criteria. Temporary emergency tents have been replaced with durable shelters, vibrant marketplaces serve as trading hubs for surrounding areas, and refugees have diversified their livelihoods. Despite limited infrastructure, the camps demonstrate a level of development that compares favorably with their neighboring regions. This research, therefore, conceptualizes refugees as active agents of change and resilience, driven by their adaptability and determination to thrive, rather than as passive victims of displacement.
While the Shagarab camps exhibit clear signs of urbanization, their governance remains rooted in temporary frameworks. At the national level, refugees face restrictive policies, including mandatory camp residence, which undermine their potential for self-reliance. In 2019, Sudan pledged at the Global Refugee Forum to integrate refugees into national systems and promote self-reliance, but economic and political instability in the country continue to hinder implementation.
Similarly, despite UNHCR’s Development Assistance for Refugees (DAR) (UNHCR, 2005) initiative, which promotes development-based approaches, decisions by the Sudanese representative (COR9) and UNHCR remain temporary. Services are planned under the assumption of eventual camp closure or refugee repatriation, limiting investment in permanent infrastructure and long-term solutions for self-reliance.
This study critiques the "permanent temporary" state of refugees, where their contributions to urbanization—economic, social, and spatial—are unsupported by governance structures that enable integration. It emphasizes the urgent need for governance frameworks and policies to shift from temporary humanitarian responses to development-focused approaches that address the realities of prolonged displacement and meet refugees' long-term needs.
References
UNHCR. (2022a). What is a Refugee Camp? Definition and statistics: USA for UNHCR. Retrieved from https://www.unrefugees.org/refugee-facts/camps/
UNHCR. (2022b). Finding durable solutions for refugees. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/sites/default/files/legacy-pdf/61a0fe634.pdf
Turner, S. (2015). What is a refugee camp? Explorations of the limits and effects of the camp. Journal of Refugee Studies, 29(2), 139–148. https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fev024
Dalal, A. (2022). From shelters to dwellings. In Re-Figuration von Räumen/Re Figuration von Räumen. https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839458389
Dalal, A. (2015). A socio-economic perspective on the urbanisation of Zaatari camp in Jordan. Migration Letters, 12(3), 263–278.
UNHCR. (2024). Eritrean refugees in Sudan dashboard as of 30 June 2024. UNHCR Sudan.
UNHCR. (2021). Eritrean refugees in Sudan dashboard as of 30 June 2021. UNHCR Sudan.
Agier, M. (2002). Between war and city: Towards an urban anthropology of refugee camps. Ethnography, 3(3), 317–341.
Jansen, B. J. (2018). Kakuma Refugee Camp: Humanitarian Urbanism in Kenya’s Accidental City. ZED Books.
Montclos, M. A. P., & Kagwanja, P. M. (2000). Refugee camps or cities? The socio-economic dynamics of the Dadaab and Kakuma camps in Northern Kenya. Journal of Refugee Studies, 13(2), 205–222.
UNHCR. (2005). Handbook for planning and implementing Development Assistance for Refugees (DAR) programmes. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org
| Keywords | Sudan; Shagarab Camps; Camp Urbanization; Protracted Displacement; Camp Governance |
|---|---|
| Best Congress Paper Award | Yes |
